Communist parties held a monopoly of power in communist countries.

At the same time they expressed sympathy with the policy of satisfying rightful popular demands, which they expected the new communist leaden to pursue.


In order to defeat the right, socialists and communists, traditional enemies, must cooperate.

Two existing models are used to conceptualize the constrained and limited participation in the communist system.

Along the third dimension are placed communist-dictatorial heritaged societies at higher ranking with some notable exceptions.

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At university campuses, communists stepped up their criticism of capitalist development and wrested control of student and faculty unions.

Clearly the communists were interested in bringing the unions within their sphere of influence and this would seem both a logical and justifiable position.

But one’s opponents, even the communists, could sometimes be reasonable people.

The collapse of communist governments in the late 1980s and early 1990s led to the emergence of various institutional configurations.

Nonetheless, repression also led the people to lose confidence in the communist system.

The end of the communist monopoly of power was followed by a proliferation of political parties in all post-communist states.

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Governments in these countries abandoned communist policies and initiated economic reforms.

Yet the communist system was a fact of life, and participation within it was the only mode of social advancement available.

The former communist countries shared the same type of economic system before the collapse of communism.

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Instead, she linked concentrated wealth with a communist threat.

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